IMPACT OF THE BOKO HARAM TERRORISM ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN NIGERIA, 2009-2017

 

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1       Background to the Study

1.2       Statement of the Problem

1.3       Objectives of the Study

1.4       Research Questions

1.5       Scope of the Study

1.6       Limitations of the Study

1.7       Significance of the Study

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0       Introduction

2.1       Background information on Nigeria

2.2       Theoretical Framework

2.2.1    Federalism as a Theoretical Framework

2.3       National Integration

2.4       Integrative Mechanisms and the Failure of National Integration in Nigeria

2.5       Failure of National Integration and Rise of Boko Haram Terrorism

2.6       Boko Haram Insurgency

2.6.1    Dimensions of Boko Haram Terrorism in Nigeria

2.6.2    Targets/Opponents

2.6.3.   Group Affiliations/Training

2.6.5    Finance/Funding

2.6.6    Recruitment

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0       Introduction

3.1       Research Design

3.2       Population of the Study

3.3       Sample and Sampling Procedure

3.4       Instrument of Data Collection

3.5       Validity of the Instrument

3.6       Procedure for Data Collection

3.7      Procedure for Data Analysis

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA ANALYSIS

CHAPTER FIVE

Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation

1.1       Background to the Study

Nigeria is a large multi-ethnic country where intra-ethnic cleavages remain a critical problem and ethnic violence has erupted periodically. Among the prominent conflicts in Nigeria were: Ife-Modakeke Crisis in Osun State; Yoruba-Hausa Clashes in Sagamu, Ogun State; Eleme-Okrika Conflict in Rivers State; Zango-Kataf in Kaduna State; Tiv-Jukun in  Wukari, Taraba State; Ogoni-Adoni in Rivers State; Chamba-Kuteb in Taraba State;  Itsekiri-Ijaw/Urhobo in Delta State; Aguleri-Umuleri in Anambra State; Ijaw-Ilaje  conflict in Ondo State; Basa-Egbura in Nassarawa State; Hausa/Fulani-Sawaya in Bauchi, among others. These conflicts have provided a pattern that makes scholars to attribute their causes to greed, power and wealth distribution.

The year 2014 marked one hundred years of the British amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates to form one political entity which is officially known and addressed as Nigeria. Two personalities were important in Nigeria’s integration process– Lord Frederick Lugard the then Governor General and Flora Shaw (later wife of Lugard), former correspondent of the London Times, who suggested the name- Nigeria.  Ever since this merger, the polity has been characterized by ethno-religious crises which have affected national unity.

Campbell (2014) is of the view that bad governance and corruption gave rise to religious extremism, poverty, corruption and ethnic rivalry. Given this background, Boko Haram founder, Mohammed Yusuf (1970 –2009) exploited the situation by criticizing the Nigerian government of deliberate persecution of poor Muslims (Vangaurd, 2009). Since Boko Haram’s foundation in 2002, the group has attacked churches, mosques, markets, banks, telecommunication facilities, military barracks, police stations, schools, local government secretariats, among others.

National integration is defined by these political scholars as “the unification or bringing together of diversified components either at international, regional, sub-regional, national or state/local community level.” (Philip  and  Henry, 1964). In Nigeria, the various integrative mechanisms put up by different administrations include the amalgamation of 1914, the Nigerianisation policy of 1960-1966, the National Youth Service Corps, the Unity Schools, the National Language policy, the principle of Federal Character and the creation of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. All of these were meant to promote national unity in Nigeria.

Between 2009 and 2017, Nigeria witnessed the height of Boko Haram terrorism The study shall proceed to examine the rise of Boko Hara, within the framework of a failed national integration process.

1.2       Statement of the Problem

Boko Haram is a transnational terrorist group whose operations in northeastern Nigeria, southern Niger and northern Cameroon have led to the killing of over 30,000 civilians and displacement of 2.3 million people. Between 2009 and 2014, Boko Haram insurgency promoted extreme poverty, food crises, mass migration, fragile governance, corruption, illicit trafficking and terrorist-linked security threats. It did not only affect people in northeastern states but had a significant impact on national integration.  While efforts have been made by scholars to investigate the problems of national integration in Nigeria, none has done so within the purview of Boko Haram terrorism. This study therefore seek to examine the impact of Boko Haram terrorism on national integration in Nigeria.

1.3       Objectives of the Study

The general aim of this study is to examine theImpact of Boko Haram Terrorism on National Integration in Nigeria from 2009 to 2017. Specifically, the study seeks to achieve the following objectives:

  • Provide a historical background to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria;
  • Examine the concept of national integration;
  • Analyse impact of Boko Haram attacks on integrative mechanisms in Nigeria
  • Examine the impact of Boko Haram attacks on intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria

1.4       Research Questions

  • What is the historical background to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria?
  • What does national integration mean?
  • How has Boko Haram attacks affected  integrative mechanisms in Nigeria?
  • What effect has Boko Haram attacks had on intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria?

1.5       Scope of the Study

  • This study covers theimpact of Boko Haram Terrorism on national integration in Nigeria from 2009 to 2017. Although, outside of the scope, the study made efforts to  look at the emergence of Boko Haram in 2002 as well as the patterns of attacks in northeastern states of Nigeria. Furthermore, the concept of  national integration was examined with focus on how Boko Haram insurgency has affected the implementation integrative mechanisms in Nigeria; as well as intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria.

1.6       Limitations of the Study

In producing such a work like this, the problem confronting the researcher is subjective nature of available materials. Moreso, this research work is contemporary and politically sensitive.  The researcher therefore is confronted with the problem of interpretation of the actions of Nigerian leaders towards the democratisation process of Nigeria as some of the policies initiated are still an on-ongoing process. Lastly, there is the question of time and fund which may serve as impediments to this research.

Nevertheless, these limitating factors will greatly be managed to make the research work more objective in its presentation.

1.7       Significance of the Study

The problem of national integration in Nigeria is central to this research. This study therefore is an attempt towards finding a theoretical solution to the problems militating against national integration in Nigeria. It is on this basis that this study is important for certain reasons.

First, the study is of paramount importance to decision makers and the would-be leaders for it traces the historical development of the challenges that confronted Nigeria from 2009 to 2017.

Second, it re-affirms the bold attempt made by the Nigerians in sustaining national integration through the war on terror.

Third, this research work will help in providing information on the internal factors that has continually hindered good governance in Nigeria as well as the practise of democracy.

Fourth, it is useful to scholars’ especially diplomatic historians, political scientists, economists and international relations experts who are conducting research in related field.

Finally, the political and military class will learn, through this study, the need for them to be patriotic and develop Nigeria.

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ROLE OF NIGERIA IN MULTILATERAL PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS IN AFRICA

Background to the Study

The last twenty-five years have witnessed the intensification of intrastate conflicts in Africa. The region’s leaders have tried to resolve these conflicts using various traditional conflict resolution mechanisms. These mechanisms have included commissions of mediation, ad-hoc committees, mediation by African Heads of State and the use of the Chieftaincy Institution. Recent conflicts in the region have, however, revealed that the use of these mechanisms alone has not helped much in resolving the conflicts and preventing the outbreak of violence. Since 1960, Nigeria has, through multilateral organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) resorted to employing military intervention forces as a major part of its conflict resolution mechanisms. These interventions have created an atmosphere conducive for diplomatic means and the traditional conflict resolution means to be employed to resolve conflicts in the region.

Generally, some of the peace initiatives that Nigeria have been involved in includes: Congo (ONUC) 1960-1964, Battalion operations; New Guinea (UNSF) 1962-1963, Military Observers; Tanzania (Bilateral agreement) 1964, Battalion operations; India-Pakistan (UNIPOM) 1965-1966, Military Observers; Lebanon (UNIFIL) 1978-1983, Battalion operations and Staff Officers; Chad (HARMONY I, bilateral agreement) 1981-1982, Battalion operations and Staff Officers; Chad (HARMONY II, OAU) 1982-1983, Brigade operations; Iran-Iraq (UNIIMOG) 1988-1991, Military Observers; Liberia (ECOMOG) 1990- Division (-) operations; Iraq-Kuwait (UNIKOM) 1991, Military Observers; Angola (UNAVEM II) 1991-1992, Military Observers; Sierra Leone (NATAG) 1991, Training Team; Angola (UNAVEM III) 1992-1995, Detachment; Namibia (UNTAG) 1989-1990, Military Observers; Western Sahara (MINURSO) 1991, Military Observers; Cambodia (UNTAC) 1992- 1993, Military Observers; Somalia (UNOSOM) 1992-1994, Battalion operations and Staff Officers; Former Republic of Yugoslavia (UNPROFOR) 1992, Battalion operations and Staff Officers; Mozambique (ONUMOZ) 1992 Military Observers; Rwanda (UNAMIR) 1993, Battalion operations; Gambia (NATAG) 1993, Training Team; Aouzo Strip (UNASOG) 1994, Military Observers; Israel (UNTSO) 1995, Military Observers; Liberia – ECOMOG; Sierra Leone – UNMIL; and Dafur peace initiative.

The end of the Cold War witnessed intensification of intrastate conflicts in the West African subregion. Prior to this era, the West African subregional body, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), had used traditional conflict resolution mechanisms to resolve conflicts. These notwithstanding, with the outbreak of conflict in Liberia in November 1989, ECOWAS employed ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), a military intervention force, in August 1990 as another conflict resolution mechanism. The endstate of ECOMOG was to stop the carnage, destruction of property, and create the conditions for diplomacy and dialogue to be employed hopefully resulting in a long-term political settlement. Since then, ECOMOG has been employed on four subsequent intervention operations in the countries of Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau, Côte d’ Iviore, and Liberia for a second time.

The history of Nigeria’s involvement in peacekeeping in West African States is based on its foreign policy approach which since 1960 has constantly been changing, though the principles guiding its foreign relations remain the same.[1] Nigerian leaders are largely responsible for these unstable external relations. Since Nigeria’s foreign policy is deeply rooted in Africa with strategic emphasis on political and economic cooperation, peaceful dispute resolution, and global nonalignment,[2] Nigerian leaders also have their attention fixed on the successful implementation of these principles.

Over the years, implementation of Nigeria’s foreign policy show that her leaders operate within four “concentric circles” of national interest. The innermost circle represents Nigeria’s own security, independence and prosperity and is centered on its immediate neighbours – Benin, Cameroon, Chad and Niger; the second circle revolves around Nigeria’s relations with its West African neighbors; the third circle focuses on continental African issues of peace, development and democratization; and the fourth circle involves Nigeria’s relations with organizations, institutions and states outside Africa.[3] With this in mind, each Nigerian head of state or president work to ensure that no single part is defected in pursuing the country’s foreign policy. Evidences abound on how past Nigerian heads of state or presidents have worked within these four concentric circles.

The African-centeredness of Nigeria’s foreign policy stemmed from the various speeches made by Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa in the House of Representatives on August 20, 1960; Independence Day Address on October 1, 1960; and Acceptance Speech of Nigeria’s admission into the United Nations in New York on October 8, 1960. These famous speeches became the fundamental principles that guided different Heads of State and Presidents of Nigeria towards other West African states for more than 50 years.[4] More important is that the overall operation of Nigeria’s foreign policy since 1960, whether conservative, dynamic or confrontational, was conducted based on shared pre-colonial and colonial experiences, intra-African cultural relations and post-colonial geopolitics. Hence, the problems of West Africa are not only shared by Nigeria, but are seen as a priority which has made its leaders to sometimes severe relations with other countries, particularly the western powers.[5]

Several factors have continually driven Nigeria’s foreign policy towards its West African neighbours. One of them is centered on the protection of over 160 million Nigerians who might be negatively affected by the spill-over of wars from ‘ring countries’ such as Chad, Niger, Cameroon and Republic of Benin.

Added to the above is the boom and bull of ‘Petro-Dollar’ which have significantly shaped the way in which Nigeria implements its foreign policy towards West African states. Nigeria is the largest donor to the ECOWAS as well as one of the largest donors to the African Union.[6] Again, the military strength of Nigeria which soared after the civil war plays important role in the conduct of foreign policy on the African soil. Nigeria dominates the ECOMOG, and remains one of the largest contributors of military personnel to different United Nations peacekeeping missions in the sub-region.

Thus, between 1960 and 2014, Nigeria has been actively involved in various ways in the struggle against disintegration of the West African sub-region. This made her to champion the establishment of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS in 1975) and other sub-regional organizations concerned with bringing peace to the sub-region and peoples across the West African sub-region.

In all, Nigeria’s contributions to the economic development and socio-political stability of the West African sub-region call for scholarly attention. This is because the country’s significant financial backing, troops and resources that made ECOWAS as well as ECOMOG’s creation possible, cannot be separated from the African-centeredness of Nigeria’s foreign policy.

Nigeria’s reputation as a regional stabilizer, conciliator, and peace builder in the West African sub-region remains unmatched. Nigeria’s positive and successful intervention in the Sierra Leonean civil war, Liberia, Niger, makes Nigeria to be a major player towards global peace, security and stability. Nigeria’s long-term leadership of peacekeeping missions in Chad (1979-82), Liberia (1990-98), Sierra Leone (1991-2000), Guinea Bissau (1998-00) and Cotê d’Ivoire (2000-Date) are all reflections of its commitment and role to peace building, peace keeping, conflict resolution, economic development and political integration of the West African sub-region.

1.2       Objectives of the Study

This study seeks to achieve the following objectives:

(i) Provide a detailed background to Nigeria’s role in multilateral peacekeeping operations in Africa with focus on civil wars in Sierra Leone (Nigeria, ECOWAS and UN), Sudan (Nigeria and AU);

(ii) Examine the factors that shaped Nigeria’s mediatory role in these bodies;

(iii) Analyse the peacekeeping operations of  Nigeria; and

(iv) Discuss the contributions of Nigeria under the various administrative governments to the security and peace—building in Africa

1.3       Scope of the Study

This study examines the factors that shaped Nigeria’s peacekeeping operations through mulitalateral bodies i.e ECOWAS, AU and the UN. The key achievements of various administrations in sub-regional economic integration, political stability, sub-regional security were covered in this research. However, the research is limited to case studies of Nigeria’s  involvement in civil wars across Africa

In producing such a work like this, the problem confronting the researcher is not the scarcity of materials but its availability some of which are bias in their presentation. Finally, there is the question of time and fund which may serve as impediments to this research. Nevertheless, these imitating factors will greatly be managed to make the research work more objective in its presentation.

1.4       Periodisation

This study begins from 1990 and terminates in 2014. Specifically, the period covered includes Nigeria’s peacekeeping operations through ECOMOG Operations/UNOMSL) in Sierra Leone,and African Union Mission in Sudan (from 2003 -2009).

1.5      Literature Review

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1.6       Significance of the Study

The significance of this research project is to determine the relevance and importance and future role of Nigeria in ECOMOG peacekeeping operations in West Africa. The study will seek to establish the need for Nigeria to continue employing multilateral organisations by reviewing its security protocol, to include establishing a standing headquarters for the force. Since the evolution of ECOMOG, it has been hailed as a model for sub-regional intervention operations. It has also served as a stop-gap in containing conflicts in the subregion before the U.N. gets involved. Against this background, the research will determine how Nigeria can overcome its internal problems and continue to play that vital role in the subregion

1.7       Research Methodology

Historical research method was used in carrying out this study. However, a critical examination of the dramatic relations between Nigeria and other West African countries since independence was analyzed using findings from both primary and secondary sources.

The primary sources include written documents such as government publications, letters, correspondence, documentaries and newspapers. Oral interviews were conducted to complement the other sources.

Furthermore, this research work depends largely on archival materials to gather relevant materials on the study. Field trips will also be employed to access information from the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in order to get relevant information regarding the research work.

Moreover, this study depends on secondary sources such as books, journals, conference proceedings and internet sources which are to be explored to enrich this work.



[1] I. A. Gambari, Theory and Reality in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria After the Second Republic, Atlantic Highlands, New]ersey: Humanities Press International, 1989, p.21.

[2] M. B., Ogunbanjo, “Theoretical Perspectives on Nigeria Foreign Policy” Monograph Series, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Babcock University, Ilisan Remo, 2002, No. 2, p.2 I

[3] A. Adebajo and A.  Mustapha, eds. Gulliver’s Troubles: Nigeria’s Foreign Policy after the Cold War. Scottsville, South Africa: University of KwaZulu Natal Press, 2008.

[4] Ajaebili, C.N. “The Option of Economic Diplomacy in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy”. International Journal Of Humanities And Social Science, Vol. 1 No. 17, 2011, p. 227  

[5] Ajetunmobi, R.O. and Omotere, T.F. (2012) “African-Centeredness of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Moving from Anthropological Diplomacy to Citizen Diplomacy”. Paper presented at the 2nd International Conference on Diplomatic History organized by the Department of History, University of Abuja, Abuja, 25th – 28th, September, 2012.

[6] Ajetunmobi, R.O. and Omotere, T., African-Centeredness Of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Moving From Anthropological Diplomacy To Citizen Diplomacy, p. 8

Nigeria Presidential Candidates for 2019 Elections

APC (All Progressives Congress) – Muhammadu Buhari, born 17 December 1942. Has Masters Degree in Strategic Studies from the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in the United States, He fought in the Nigerian Civil War and served as former Head of State and currently the President of Nigeria. No criminal or corrupt records with police or EFCC.

PDP (Peoples Democratic Party) – Atiku Abubakar, born 25 November 1946. Has Diploma in Law from the Ahmadu Bello University Institute of Administration and owns the American University of Nigeria. He served as Custom Officer for 20 years and then, as the former Vice President of Nigeria. He has been contesting for the Office of the President of Nigeria since 1993. He is a billionaire and currently employs over 50,000 people in his businesses. No criminal or corrupt records with police or EFCC

ACP (Allied Congress Party) – Oby Ezekwesili, born April 28, 1963. She holds master’s degree in International Law and Diplomacy from the University of Lagos, as well as a Master of Public Administration degree from the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. She served as the former Federal Minister of Solid Minerals, Nigeria; former Federal Minister of Education, Nigeria; and former Vice-President of the World Bank’s Africa Division. No criminal or corrupt records with police or EFCC.

SDP (Social Democratic Party) – Donald Duke born 30 September 1961. He holds Master’s degree in Business Law and Admiralty from the University of Pennsylvania. He served as the former Governor of Cross River State, Nigeria during which he initiated Calabar Carnival, Obudu Ranch International Mountain Race, and Tinapa Resort. No criminal or corrupt records with police or EFCC.

YPP (Young Progressives Party) – Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, born May 7, 1963. Has Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) at the University of London, UK. He was the former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria; former United Nations official, and currently Professor in International Business and Public Policy from The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. No criminal or corrupt records with police or EFCC.

Courtesy: http://www.4MyResearch.Com

EFFECTS OF TEENAGE PREGNANCY ON GIRLS’ EMOTIONAL BEHAVIOUR AND ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE

 Chapter One: Introduction

Teenage pregnancy is formally defined as a pregnancy in a young woman who has not reached her 20th birthday when the pregnancy ends, regardless of whether the woman is married or is legally an adult. The main issues that have strongly influenced the pattern of adolescent pregnancy include the declining age at menarche and the increase in the number of years spent in school.

The major problem with adolescent pregnancy and relating to this study is that many girls who become pregnant have to leave school. This has long-term implications for them as individuals, their families and communities. Although, studies have shown that delaying adolescent births could significantly lower population growth rates, potentially generating broad economic and social benefits, in addition to improving the health of adolescents; scholars are yet to directly link pregnancy on early and later adolescents as a factor which affects students’ performance in schools.

Chapter Two: Literature Review

This chapter reviews literature on the effects of teenage pregnancy on girls’ emotional behaviour and academic performance. This chapter outlines the review of literature. The literature is presented under sub-headings derived from the study’s research questions. The sub-headings are: theoretical framework, Teenage pregnancy and school attendance, teenage pregnancy and emotional behaviour, and teenage pregnancy and school performance. Gaps to be filled by the present study are highlighted.

Chapter Three: Research Methodology

This chapter deals with the methodology and the research instrument to be used in getting data for the study. This study uses descriptive survey type. The target population consisted of all secondary school teenagers in Ijebu-Ife metropolis, an area of Ogun State. The sample for this study constituted three hundred (300) respondents. Questionnaire will be used as instrument for data collection. Inferential statistical analysis of Pearson Product Correlation Coefficient was used in analyzing the hypotheses at 0.05 level of significance.

Chapter Four: Data Analysis

In this chapter, the researcher will analyse the data collected for the research work and interpret it according to the research hypotheses formulated in chapter one.

Chapter Five: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations

Summary and conclusions are to be drawn from the research literature, research findings and data analysis. Recommendations on linking adult education to national development will be made in the final chapter.

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