1.1       Background to the Study

1.2       Statement of the Problem

1.3       Objectives of the Study

1.4       Research Questions

1.5       Scope of the Study

1.6       Limitations of the Study

1.7       Significance of the Study



2.0       Introduction

2.1       Background information on Nigeria

2.2       Theoretical Framework

2.2.1    Federalism as a Theoretical Framework

2.3       National Integration

2.4       Integrative Mechanisms and the Failure of National Integration in Nigeria

2.5       Failure of National Integration and Rise of Boko Haram Terrorism

2.6       Boko Haram Insurgency

2.6.1    Dimensions of Boko Haram Terrorism in Nigeria

2.6.2    Targets/Opponents

2.6.3.   Group Affiliations/Training

2.6.5    Finance/Funding

2.6.6    Recruitment



3.0       Introduction

3.1       Research Design

3.2       Population of the Study

3.3       Sample and Sampling Procedure

3.4       Instrument of Data Collection

3.5       Validity of the Instrument

3.6       Procedure for Data Collection

3.7      Procedure for Data Analysis




Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation

1.1       Background to the Study

Nigeria is a large multi-ethnic country where intra-ethnic cleavages remain a critical problem and ethnic violence has erupted periodically. Among the prominent conflicts in Nigeria were: Ife-Modakeke Crisis in Osun State; Yoruba-Hausa Clashes in Sagamu, Ogun State; Eleme-Okrika Conflict in Rivers State; Zango-Kataf in Kaduna State; Tiv-Jukun in  Wukari, Taraba State; Ogoni-Adoni in Rivers State; Chamba-Kuteb in Taraba State;  Itsekiri-Ijaw/Urhobo in Delta State; Aguleri-Umuleri in Anambra State; Ijaw-Ilaje  conflict in Ondo State; Basa-Egbura in Nassarawa State; Hausa/Fulani-Sawaya in Bauchi, among others. These conflicts have provided a pattern that makes scholars to attribute their causes to greed, power and wealth distribution.

The year 2014 marked one hundred years of the British amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates to form one political entity which is officially known and addressed as Nigeria. Two personalities were important in Nigeria’s integration process– Lord Frederick Lugard the then Governor General and Flora Shaw (later wife of Lugard), former correspondent of the London Times, who suggested the name- Nigeria.  Ever since this merger, the polity has been characterized by ethno-religious crises which have affected national unity.

Campbell (2014) is of the view that bad governance and corruption gave rise to religious extremism, poverty, corruption and ethnic rivalry. Given this background, Boko Haram founder, Mohammed Yusuf (1970 –2009) exploited the situation by criticizing the Nigerian government of deliberate persecution of poor Muslims (Vangaurd, 2009). Since Boko Haram’s foundation in 2002, the group has attacked churches, mosques, markets, banks, telecommunication facilities, military barracks, police stations, schools, local government secretariats, among others.

National integration is defined by these political scholars as “the unification or bringing together of diversified components either at international, regional, sub-regional, national or state/local community level.” (Philip  and  Henry, 1964). In Nigeria, the various integrative mechanisms put up by different administrations include the amalgamation of 1914, the Nigerianisation policy of 1960-1966, the National Youth Service Corps, the Unity Schools, the National Language policy, the principle of Federal Character and the creation of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. All of these were meant to promote national unity in Nigeria.

Between 2009 and 2017, Nigeria witnessed the height of Boko Haram terrorism The study shall proceed to examine the rise of Boko Hara, within the framework of a failed national integration process.

1.2       Statement of the Problem

Boko Haram is a transnational terrorist group whose operations in northeastern Nigeria, southern Niger and northern Cameroon have led to the killing of over 30,000 civilians and displacement of 2.3 million people. Between 2009 and 2014, Boko Haram insurgency promoted extreme poverty, food crises, mass migration, fragile governance, corruption, illicit trafficking and terrorist-linked security threats. It did not only affect people in northeastern states but had a significant impact on national integration.  While efforts have been made by scholars to investigate the problems of national integration in Nigeria, none has done so within the purview of Boko Haram terrorism. This study therefore seek to examine the impact of Boko Haram terrorism on national integration in Nigeria.

1.3       Objectives of the Study

The general aim of this study is to examine theImpact of Boko Haram Terrorism on National Integration in Nigeria from 2009 to 2017. Specifically, the study seeks to achieve the following objectives:

  • Provide a historical background to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria;
  • Examine the concept of national integration;
  • Analyse impact of Boko Haram attacks on integrative mechanisms in Nigeria
  • Examine the impact of Boko Haram attacks on intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria

1.4       Research Questions

  • What is the historical background to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria?
  • What does national integration mean?
  • How has Boko Haram attacks affected  integrative mechanisms in Nigeria?
  • What effect has Boko Haram attacks had on intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria?

1.5       Scope of the Study

  • This study covers theimpact of Boko Haram Terrorism on national integration in Nigeria from 2009 to 2017. Although, outside of the scope, the study made efforts to  look at the emergence of Boko Haram in 2002 as well as the patterns of attacks in northeastern states of Nigeria. Furthermore, the concept of  national integration was examined with focus on how Boko Haram insurgency has affected the implementation integrative mechanisms in Nigeria; as well as intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria.

1.6       Limitations of the Study

In producing such a work like this, the problem confronting the researcher is subjective nature of available materials. Moreso, this research work is contemporary and politically sensitive.  The researcher therefore is confronted with the problem of interpretation of the actions of Nigerian leaders towards the democratisation process of Nigeria as some of the policies initiated are still an on-ongoing process. Lastly, there is the question of time and fund which may serve as impediments to this research.

Nevertheless, these limitating factors will greatly be managed to make the research work more objective in its presentation.

1.7       Significance of the Study

The problem of national integration in Nigeria is central to this research. This study therefore is an attempt towards finding a theoretical solution to the problems militating against national integration in Nigeria. It is on this basis that this study is important for certain reasons.

First, the study is of paramount importance to decision makers and the would-be leaders for it traces the historical development of the challenges that confronted Nigeria from 2009 to 2017.

Second, it re-affirms the bold attempt made by the Nigerians in sustaining national integration through the war on terror.

Third, this research work will help in providing information on the internal factors that has continually hindered good governance in Nigeria as well as the practise of democracy.

Fourth, it is useful to scholars’ especially diplomatic historians, political scientists, economists and international relations experts who are conducting research in related field.

Finally, the political and military class will learn, through this study, the need for them to be patriotic and develop Nigeria.




Chapter One: Introduction

            Thousands of militants, grouped under different names such as The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), the Ijaw Youth Council (lYC) and Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), and recently Niger Delta Avengers, etc, have over the years carried out multiple attacks on strategic oil and gas installations in the Niger Delta region. Niger Delta transverses nine of the thirty six states of Nigeria, namely: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo, and Rivers (Obi, 2005). Most of the oil exploration so far had been at the core Niger Delta states of Beyelsa, Delta and Rivers. These three states had witnessed the major crises in the region. However, on 26 June 2009, the Federal Government of Nigeria announced that it would grant an amnesty and unconditional pardon to militants in the Niger Delta. A 60-day period was allowed for armed youths to surrender their weapons in return for training and rehabilitation by the government. The Amnesty officially resulted in the demobilisation of 30,000 militants, paying them allowances and providing training for a smaller number. It has markedly reduced conflict in the region.

Patterns of militant attacks on oil installations, hostage taking and direct confrontations with Nigerian security agencies have drawn both local and international attention to their deplorable situation through their restiveness. The Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVF), founded by Alhaji Mujahid Asari-Dokubo, and the Niger Delta Vigilante (NDV), created by Ateke Tom, led more than 100 other smaller armed groups to violently engage the Federal Government and multinational oil companies in a ‘war of attrition’(Ojakorotu & Olawale, 2009). Asari’s NDPVF launched a series of attacks on oil wells and installations, disrupting oil production. The militant groups also attempted to control oil resources through oil bunkering, an exercise that involves tapping pipelines. All of these have had damaging effects on oil production in the region and eventually led to shutting down of the Warri refineries several times (Akpabio & Akpan, 2010).

When Late Musa YarAdua assumed office as the nation’s president, he came up with his own idea of developing the Niger Delta, which he tagged “Niger Delta Development Plan”. He also set up the Ministry of Niger delta Affairs. Again, on 25 June 2009 he granted amnesty to the “militants” via Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) to turn in their weapons within sixty (60) days (Aaron, 2010). In addition, they militants were to renounce violence through the execution of renunciation of militancy form. The repentant militants were to be paid the sum of N65, 000 (about $430) per month for 42 months that the rehabilitation programme would cover. This is addition to daily feeding allowance of N1500 (about $10). Beyond disarmament, repentant militants are to undergo some form of skills acquisition to enable them live economically productive lives (Aaron, 2010).

Furthermore, the leaders of the militants, including Ekpemupolo (Tompolo), Henry Okah, Asari Dokubo, Fara Dagogo, Ebi Ben, Ateke Tom, Saboma Jackrich (alias Egberipapa), gave up their weapons. Tompolo and his group gave “117 assorted rifles, 5,467 rounds of live ammunitions, 20 camouflage bullet jacket, 26 camouflage uniform and two helmets. By official account, about 26,356 militants surrendered their arms at various disarmament centres. On the whole the total of 26,760 guns of different types 287,445 rounds of ammunition, 18 gun boats and 1090 dynamites were surrendered” (Omadjohwoefe, 2011:254).

Chapter Two: Literature Review

Conflict in oil rich regions is inevitable and pervasive in all kinds of human interactions at the national and local levels. How it is managed (and mismanaged) has strong effects on national security and development. This chapter examines theories of conflict management and review of relevant literature on conflict management, amnesty programme and scholarly assessment of the amnesty programme from conflict management approach.

Chapter Three: Research Methodology

This chapter presents the research methodology employed in this study. It entails or deals on the methods and procedure employed by the researcher in collecting data. Chi Square was will be used for data analysis.

Chapter Four: Data Analysis

In this chapter, the researcher analyses the data collected for the researcher work and interprets it according to the research questions formulated in chapter one.

Chapter Five: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations

Summary and conclusions are to be drawn from the research literature, research findings and data analysis. Recommendations were also made in chapter five.



NIGERIA: N10,000

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Chapter One: Introduction

Adolescence is a transitional period of development from childhood to adulthood with evident biological and emotional changes. These changes bring transformation and reorganization in family relationships (Schroeder, Bulanda, Giordana, & Cernkovich, 2010). Moreover, adolescents start viewing themselves as adults and, on the contrary, parents may find it difficult to adapt to this perception. There may also be a shift in the unilateral authority enjoyed by the parents towards a mutual authority in which adolescents share decision-making power and increasing amounts of personal jurisdiction. Furthermore, interactions between the adolescent and parents can lead to conflict. Among adolescents, early adolescence (ages 10-15) has been associated with higher levels of conflict with parents, and adolescent-parent relationships may be transformed dramatically during this period.Criminal behaviors, including physical aggression and delinquency, are public health concerns because they may result in physical injury and/or involvement with the juvenile justice system including arrests and incarcerations (Odgers et al., 2008). Such

Criminal behaviors, including physical aggression and delinquency, are public health concerns because they may result in physical injury and/or involvement with the juvenile justice system including arrests and incarcerations (Odgers et al., 2008). Such behaviours exhibited at school may lead to suspension or expulsion, which take students out of the classroom, and thus decrease their academic instructional time and potential acquisition of skills (Zimmerman, Schutte, Taskinen, & Koller, 2013). Peer-based aggression and delinquency may also result in more sustained involvement with peer groups who support and engage in these criminal behaviors. However, prevalence rates of physical aggression and delinquency, unfortunately, increase during adolescence (Steinberg, 2008).

The consequences of this malady and other juvenile crimes such as examination malpractice, alcoholism, forgery, rape, armed robbery, and other numerous social ills have posed as a threat to community peace. In this study, parent-adolescent relationships are being explored from the perspective of adolescence. The present study explored parent-adolescent attachment; adolescent views towards parental guidance; adolescent perception about parental control; adolescent views of parental pressure; and the type of communication between the adolescent and the parent from a relationship perspective. Additionally, the study investigated differences between adolescents who had been involved in delinquent behavior and those who had not.

Chapter Two: Literature Review

Chapter two focuses on the literature review, and explored the extent to which parent-child relationship could predict criminal behaviours among adolescents. Specific reference are made to the following: (1) family structure as producing agents of juvenile delinquency;(2) the relationship between family background and adolescent criminal behaviour(3) Examine the reaction of adolescent boys who get involved in delinquent behaviors towards parental control, guidance, and pressure when compared to adolescent boys who are not involved in delinquent behaviors

Chapter Three: Research Methodology

This chapter presents the research methodology employed in this study. It entails or deals on the methods and procedure employed by the researcher in collecting data. Chi Square was will be used for data analysis.

Chapter Four: Data Analysis

In this chapter, the researcher analyses the data collected for the researcher work and interprets it according to the research questions formulated in chapter one.

Chapter Five: Summary, Conclusion, and Recommendations

Summary and conclusions are to be drawn from the research literature, research findings and data analysis. Recommendations were also made in chapter five



NIGERIA: N10,000

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Chapter One: Introduction

Nigeria-Cameroon is historically seen within the purview of the border dispute over Bakassi Peninsula. The Peninsula has been a bone of contention between the two countries dating back to the colonial period. On august 6th 1861, an agreement was concluded between King Dosumu and the British Crown in which the latter agreed to cede Lagos to the British Crown and by 1862, Lagos was proclaimed a colony. In the same vein, on September 10, 1884, similar agreement was signed between the kings and chiefs of old Calabar and the British government. In this agreement, the British government agreed to protect all the territories controlled by the Obong of Calabar, and true enough, Bakassi was one of these territories. The Bakassi was under the jurisdiction of the Efik Kingdom as at the time (September 10, 1884) when the agreement was signed.

However, the political and commercial hegemony enjoyed by Britain in the West African Coast was challenged by the Germans on July 14th, 1884 under the German Consul General, Dr. Nachtigal who entered into treaty agreement with two Douala chiefs. This was followed by hoisting of German flags in Douala and Bimba which belonged to Cameroon. Although Germany by 1880 has had contacts with the Cameroonian people, one could say that Cameroon as a political entity came into existence by virtue of the treaty mentioned above. Thus, the identification of Cameroon as a political unit in this area brought to the fore the question of demarcation of spheres of influence between Britain and Germany, thus leading to the establishment of boundaries. Thus, this development marked the beginning of rivalry and conflict between Britain and Germany over their colonial possessions and which was eventually inherited by the two West African Countries even after independence.

Hostilities and military confrontations broke out in the early 1990s between Cameroon and Nigeria. In 1994, Cameroon asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ), also known as the World Court, to settle a dispute over its boundary with Nigeria, especially the question of sovereignty over the Bakassi peninsula, and over islands in Lake Chad, and to specify the course of the land and maritime boundary between the two countries.
After eight years of adjudication, the Court delivered its judgment on the merits of the case on 10th October 2002, deciding, in part, that sovereignty over the Bakassi peninsula and in the disputed area in the Lake Chad region lies with Cameroon. To help implement this decision in a peaceful manner, President Paul Biya of Cameroon and President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria asked the Secretary-General to set up a Cameroon-Nigeria Mixed Commission chaired by the Secretary-General’s Special Representative for West Africa, Mr. Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, to consider ways of following up on the ICJ ruling and moving the process forward.

Today, Bakassi peninsula is governed by Cameroon, following the transfer of sovereignty from neighbouring Nigeria as a result of a judgment by the International Court of Justice. On 22 November 2007, the Nigerian Senate rejected the transfer, since the Green Tree Agreement ceding the area to Cameroon was contrary to Section 12(1) of the 1999 Constitution. Regardless, the territory was transferred to Cameroon on 14 August 2008.

Chapter Two: Historical Overview of Bakassi Peninsula
The controversy over Bakassi was who owns the Bakassi – Nigeria or Cameroon? It is this debate that has generated a lot of problem. This chapter historicizes where Bakassi was actually located at the period of partition by in the 19th century

Chapter Three: Nigeria-Cameroon Relations Over Bakassi Since Independence
This chapter examines Nigeria-Cameroon relations in the post-independence era. The major causes of conflict will be examined while efforts will be made to discuss how the dispute over Bakassi made their relations to be sore in the 20th century.

Chapter Four: The ICJ Judgment: Implication And Assessment
In this chapter, the researcher analysed how the crisis generated by the political disagreement and military confrontation between Nigeria and Cameroon over the Bakassi peninsula led Cameroon on march 29, 1999 and on June 6, 1999 to file an application instituting proceedings against Nigeria at the ICJ which related to the question of sovereignty over the Bakassi peninsula and over a part of the territory of Cameroon in the area of lake Chad. These suits in addition to a counter-memorial filed by Nigeria between June and October 1998, set the tone for the various legal proceedings by both Nigeria and Cameroon in the International Court of Justice (ICJ), but which eventually culminated in the final ICJ decision on October 10, 2002 in favour of Cameroon. This chapter accesses the implication of the ICJ judgment on Nigeria-Cameroon relations.





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