IMPACT OF THE BOKO HARAM TERRORISM ON NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN NIGERIA, 2009-2017

 

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1       Background to the Study

1.2       Statement of the Problem

1.3       Objectives of the Study

1.4       Research Questions

1.5       Scope of the Study

1.6       Limitations of the Study

1.7       Significance of the Study

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0       Introduction

2.1       Background information on Nigeria

2.2       Theoretical Framework

2.2.1    Federalism as a Theoretical Framework

2.3       National Integration

2.4       Integrative Mechanisms and the Failure of National Integration in Nigeria

2.5       Failure of National Integration and Rise of Boko Haram Terrorism

2.6       Boko Haram Insurgency

2.6.1    Dimensions of Boko Haram Terrorism in Nigeria

2.6.2    Targets/Opponents

2.6.3.   Group Affiliations/Training

2.6.5    Finance/Funding

2.6.6    Recruitment

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0       Introduction

3.1       Research Design

3.2       Population of the Study

3.3       Sample and Sampling Procedure

3.4       Instrument of Data Collection

3.5       Validity of the Instrument

3.6       Procedure for Data Collection

3.7      Procedure for Data Analysis

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA ANALYSIS

CHAPTER FIVE

Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation

1.1       Background to the Study

Nigeria is a large multi-ethnic country where intra-ethnic cleavages remain a critical problem and ethnic violence has erupted periodically. Among the prominent conflicts in Nigeria were: Ife-Modakeke Crisis in Osun State; Yoruba-Hausa Clashes in Sagamu, Ogun State; Eleme-Okrika Conflict in Rivers State; Zango-Kataf in Kaduna State; Tiv-Jukun in  Wukari, Taraba State; Ogoni-Adoni in Rivers State; Chamba-Kuteb in Taraba State;  Itsekiri-Ijaw/Urhobo in Delta State; Aguleri-Umuleri in Anambra State; Ijaw-Ilaje  conflict in Ondo State; Basa-Egbura in Nassarawa State; Hausa/Fulani-Sawaya in Bauchi, among others. These conflicts have provided a pattern that makes scholars to attribute their causes to greed, power and wealth distribution.

The year 2014 marked one hundred years of the British amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates to form one political entity which is officially known and addressed as Nigeria. Two personalities were important in Nigeria’s integration process– Lord Frederick Lugard the then Governor General and Flora Shaw (later wife of Lugard), former correspondent of the London Times, who suggested the name- Nigeria.  Ever since this merger, the polity has been characterized by ethno-religious crises which have affected national unity.

Campbell (2014) is of the view that bad governance and corruption gave rise to religious extremism, poverty, corruption and ethnic rivalry. Given this background, Boko Haram founder, Mohammed Yusuf (1970 –2009) exploited the situation by criticizing the Nigerian government of deliberate persecution of poor Muslims (Vangaurd, 2009). Since Boko Haram’s foundation in 2002, the group has attacked churches, mosques, markets, banks, telecommunication facilities, military barracks, police stations, schools, local government secretariats, among others.

National integration is defined by these political scholars as “the unification or bringing together of diversified components either at international, regional, sub-regional, national or state/local community level.” (Philip  and  Henry, 1964). In Nigeria, the various integrative mechanisms put up by different administrations include the amalgamation of 1914, the Nigerianisation policy of 1960-1966, the National Youth Service Corps, the Unity Schools, the National Language policy, the principle of Federal Character and the creation of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. All of these were meant to promote national unity in Nigeria.

Between 2009 and 2017, Nigeria witnessed the height of Boko Haram terrorism The study shall proceed to examine the rise of Boko Hara, within the framework of a failed national integration process.

1.2       Statement of the Problem

Boko Haram is a transnational terrorist group whose operations in northeastern Nigeria, southern Niger and northern Cameroon have led to the killing of over 30,000 civilians and displacement of 2.3 million people. Between 2009 and 2014, Boko Haram insurgency promoted extreme poverty, food crises, mass migration, fragile governance, corruption, illicit trafficking and terrorist-linked security threats. It did not only affect people in northeastern states but had a significant impact on national integration.  While efforts have been made by scholars to investigate the problems of national integration in Nigeria, none has done so within the purview of Boko Haram terrorism. This study therefore seek to examine the impact of Boko Haram terrorism on national integration in Nigeria.

1.3       Objectives of the Study

The general aim of this study is to examine theImpact of Boko Haram Terrorism on National Integration in Nigeria from 2009 to 2017. Specifically, the study seeks to achieve the following objectives:

  • Provide a historical background to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria;
  • Examine the concept of national integration;
  • Analyse impact of Boko Haram attacks on integrative mechanisms in Nigeria
  • Examine the impact of Boko Haram attacks on intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria

1.4       Research Questions

  • What is the historical background to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria?
  • What does national integration mean?
  • How has Boko Haram attacks affected  integrative mechanisms in Nigeria?
  • What effect has Boko Haram attacks had on intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria?

1.5       Scope of the Study

  • This study covers theimpact of Boko Haram Terrorism on national integration in Nigeria from 2009 to 2017. Although, outside of the scope, the study made efforts to  look at the emergence of Boko Haram in 2002 as well as the patterns of attacks in northeastern states of Nigeria. Furthermore, the concept of  national integration was examined with focus on how Boko Haram insurgency has affected the implementation integrative mechanisms in Nigeria; as well as intra-ethnic relations in Nigeria.

1.6       Limitations of the Study

In producing such a work like this, the problem confronting the researcher is subjective nature of available materials. Moreso, this research work is contemporary and politically sensitive.  The researcher therefore is confronted with the problem of interpretation of the actions of Nigerian leaders towards the democratisation process of Nigeria as some of the policies initiated are still an on-ongoing process. Lastly, there is the question of time and fund which may serve as impediments to this research.

Nevertheless, these limitating factors will greatly be managed to make the research work more objective in its presentation.

1.7       Significance of the Study

The problem of national integration in Nigeria is central to this research. This study therefore is an attempt towards finding a theoretical solution to the problems militating against national integration in Nigeria. It is on this basis that this study is important for certain reasons.

First, the study is of paramount importance to decision makers and the would-be leaders for it traces the historical development of the challenges that confronted Nigeria from 2009 to 2017.

Second, it re-affirms the bold attempt made by the Nigerians in sustaining national integration through the war on terror.

Third, this research work will help in providing information on the internal factors that has continually hindered good governance in Nigeria as well as the practise of democracy.

Fourth, it is useful to scholars’ especially diplomatic historians, political scientists, economists and international relations experts who are conducting research in related field.

Finally, the political and military class will learn, through this study, the need for them to be patriotic and develop Nigeria.

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The Media and Counterinsurgency Operations: Investigating the Impact of Media Surveillance on Boko Haram Terrorist Attacks, 2009-2014

 

Boko Haram is ranked the world most deadliest terrorist group, killing more people than the dreaded Islamic State (Vincent, 2016). The group has killed over 30,000 civilians since 2009 and displaced over 2,152,000 people in Nigeria, Chad and neighbouring Cameroon (IDMC, 2016). Boko Haram pride itself as Jama’a Ahl as-Sunna Li-da’wa wa-al Jihad (People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad), and fights to enforce strict Sharia on Nigerians (START, 2014). This thesis analyses government response to Boko Haram terrorist attacks within the framework of counterinsurgency operation.

Nigeria’s political landscape is complex. It is divided into six geo-political zones which comprises of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe states. The northeast zone is home to Boko Haram terrorist group.  Yoruba and Igbos dominate the south most of whom are Christians while the north is predominantly Muslim. Since 1960 when Nigeria gained independence from Britain, the north has remained poor and impoverished. Also, the corrupt nature of the government officials and politicians paved way for the rise of condemnations and the spread of emergence of extremist ideas.

By 2002, Abubakar Shekau emerged as the de facto leader of Boko Haram group. Under Shekau’s leadership, Boko Haram carried out massive attacks mainly on churches but later spread it to barracks, police stations, motor parks, mosques, markets, schools, and banks killing people irrespective of ethnicity and religious affiliation (CrisisGroup 2014, p. 2).

From 2009 onward, the group became more violent in its spate of attacks. It carried out insurgency operations aimed at replacing the structure of government with Islamic principles. In essence, Boko Haram fought to take over the Federal Government of Nigeria (Campbell, 2013). This, they tried by taking over 20 local government areas in the northeast (Yusufu and Joel, 2015). This attempt has forced Nigeria to defend her territory with series of counterinsurgency operations.

Counterinsurgency operations has been well researched in the military circle. Counterinsurgency (COIN) is primarily a political struggle and incorporates a wide range of activities by the host nation (HN) government of which security is only one,albeit an important one. The HN government in coordination with the chief of mission (COM) should lead the COIN efforts. When the operational environment (OE) is not conducive to a civilian agency lead for the COIN effort within a specific area, the joint force commander (JFC) must be cognizant of and able to lead the unified action required for effective COIN (JP 3-24, 2013).

However, the media – both local and international – have shaped the ways and manners Boko Haram insurgents operate by reporting live events or leaking highly classified counterinsurgency operation. This area of counterinsurgency is under-researched. It is the intent of this study therefore to find out the role of the media (electronic, print and social media) in information management and national security using selected events in Nigeria as case study.

 

CHAPTERISATION

 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

1.2 Statement of the Study

1.3 Objectives of the Study

1.4 Research Questions

1.5 Scope of the Study

1.6 Limitations of the Study

1.7 Significance of the Study

 

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1      Conceptual Discourse

2.1.1    Media Surveillance

2.1.2    National Security

2.2       Review of Existing Literature

2.2.1    Insurgency

2.2.2    Counterinsurgency

2.2.3   Counterinsurgency approaches in Nigeria

2.3       Theoretical Framework

 

CHAPTER THREE

OVERVIEW OF TERRORIST INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA  

3.1       Historical Background to Terrorist Activities in Nigeria

3.2       Dimensions of the Terrorism in Nigeria

3.2.1    Targets/Opponents

3.2.2. Group Affiliations/Training

3.3.3    Finance/Funding

3.3.4    Recruitment

3.3       Determinants of Terrorism in Nigeria

3.4       Efforts of combating Terrorism in Nigeria

 

CHAPTER FOUR

CONTENT ANALYSIS

 

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
5.1 Summary
5.2 Conclusion
5.3 Recommendation

 

REFERENCES

APPENDICES

 

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21 Project Topics in International Relations

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1. Civil-Military Relations In Nigeria, 1966-1999
2. Nigerian Peacekeeping Mission Under The Auspices Of The UN Security Council From 1960 To 2010: A Study Of Sierra Leone

3. Historical Appraisal of Ife-Modakeke crisis: Implication for Conflict Resolution in Nigeria

4. Nigeria-China Relations: A Critical Appraisal Of The Political, Economic And Cultural Bilateral Relations From 1999-2007

5. Impact Of Refugee Crisis On Human Security In West Africa

6. Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Under Murtala/Obasanjo And Abubakar Tafawa Balewa: A Comparative Study
7. Bilateral Relations Between Nigeria And United States Of America, 1975-1979

8. The Roles Of Domestic Factors In Nigeria-Israel Bilateral Relations, 1960-2007

9. Impact of Poverty  and Child Abuse on Nigeria’s Development

10.Causes and Effects of Child Trafficking in Nigeria

11.History Of Human Rights Violation In Nigeria, 1960 to 2014

12.Nigerian Foreign Policy And Economic Development Since Independence

13.The Nigerian Civil War: A Historical Analysis, 1967-1970

14 Military Rule In Nigeria: An Assessment Of Ibrahim Babangida Administration

15.An Assessment Of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Administration, 1999-2007

16.A Critique Of Sino-Nigeria Relations, 1999-2012

17.Nigeria-Us Relations, 1999-2012

18.Impact Of Domestic Policies On Nigeria’s Economic Development Under President Olusegun Obasanjo Administration 1999-2007

19.Impact Of AGOA On Nigeria-Us Economic Relations, 2000-2012

20.The Impact Of New Partnership For African Development (NEPAD) On Nigeria’s Relations With West African Countries, 1999 – 2007

21. Impact of Ethnic Militancy and Internal Terrorism on Nigeria’s National Security, 1999 to 2012

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Impact of Ethnic Militancy and Internal Terrorism on Nigeria’s National Security, 1999 to 2012

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1              Background to the Study

In a time of terror, in the face of terrorism, the Nigerian state articulates itself as a domain of security for the populace. The presidency, lawmakers and security agencies openly condemns terrorist attacks as illegitimate action used by non-state actors. Accordingly, the Nigerian government, through the National Assembly (NASS) embarked on a legislative pathway to criminalise terrorism via the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (Establishment) Act in 2002. However, the inchoate nature of counterterrorism provisions in the Act led to the exploration of a more comprehensive legal framework, and in turn to the presentation of the Prevention of Terrorism Bill to the Senate in 2006 (Isaac, 2011: 42). Five years later, the Terrorism Prevention Act of 2011, was passed by the Senate and the House on June, 1, 2011 and on June 2, 2011, it was forwarded by the Clerk of the National Assembly to President Goodluck Jonathan who signed it to law on June 3, 2011 (The Punch Newspaper, November 22, 2012).

Since 2009, internal terrorism in Nigeria moved from ethnic militancy to suicide bombing, a situation that has claimed over 3,000 lives, led to the declaration of state of emergency in five northern states, and the sack of the Defence  Minister,  Police  Chief  and  National  Security  Adviser (Olalekan, 2012: 1). The erstwhile unpopular national phenomenon  of  suicide  bombing  have  suddenly  become  dominant  in  the country,  with  several  attacks  on  the  elected  political  leaders  and  traditional rulers  in  the  North – Eastern region of Nigeria; the nation’s capital, Abuja; the  commercial  city  of  Kano  in  North-western  axis  and  formerly  serene Plateau State in North – Central region (Tony and Kolade, 2012: 1)..

The nature of internal terrorism in Nigeria assumed international outlook, with the bombing of the UN Building at Abuja on Friday, 26 August 2011 which killed at least 21 and wounded 60 people. The international community grieved as  suicide  bombing  rocked  the  St. Theresa’s Catholic Church, Madalla, Niger  State,  on  Christmas  Day  killing  innocent  worshippers (Olalekan, 2012: 23). These are aside from the spate of bombings of several other churches, public  infrastructures  and  civilian  gatherings  in  Kano,  Kaduna,  Okene,  and other local government councils in the northern parts of the country.

According  to  the  United  States Department’s Global Report on Terrorism, Nigeria ranked 2nd with 593 deaths in 2011 from terrorist killings on the African continent, second to only the failed state of Somalia. On the global level, Nigeria was placed 5th  in the  ranking  of  casualties (Country Report on Terrorism, 2010).

Nigeria  is  not  a  stranger  to  terrorism,  having  experienced  the activities  of  the  extremist  Maitatsine  sect  movement  that  became  violent  in the early 1980s during the regime of the first democratically-elected civilian government  of  Alhaji  Shehu  Shagari.  The  Yan  Tatsine  (followers  of Maitatsine)  was  actually  a  quasi-Muslim  fringe  group  that  preached  Islamic doctrines  that  were  contrary  to  the  teachings  of  the  orthodox  Islamic  and societal  leadership.  Muhammadu  Marwa  Maitatsine,  the  leader  of  the  sect, was  a  Muslim  scholar  from  Marwa  town  in  Northern  Cameroun  who migrated to Kano in Nigeria (Danjibo, 2000: 3). The ideology of the Maitatsine sect  was  appealing  to  the  poverty  –  stricken  youths  who  sought  an opportunity  to  confront  the  conservative  traditional  Islamic  rulership  and State  governments.  The  directive  by  the  federal  government  to  the  Police Force  to  crush  the  movement,  which  had  large  followership  of  the unemployed  youths,  led  to  clashes  with  the  police  in  Kano.

Encouraged by the ‘defeat’ of the police,  the sect marched in Kano city chanting “Yau zamu sha jinni”, meaning “today we shall drink blood” in Hausa. By December 19, 1980 the sect took over strategic places in Kano city including the Fagge mosque, some schools, a cinema house and the Sabon Gari market. For eleven days, the police was unable to bring to control the sectarian riots. When the situation was getting out of control, ex-President Shehu Shagari had to invite the Nigeria Army to intervene. It took the army two days to dislodge the sect while their leader was killed in the operation. More than 1,000 members of the sect  were arrested and detained in prison where they received agonizing treatment from the police. The crisis lasted for 11 days, claimed the lives of more than 4,179 people and hundreds of houses and shops were either torched or destroyed (Danjibo, 2000). This  religious  crisis,  which  later  took  a denominational  dimension  in  Zaria  with  the  Muslims  directing  their  attacks on Christians and their property, later spread to Maiduguri, Yola, Bauchi and Gombe,  in  the  north-eastern  parts  of  Nigeria.  The  leader  of  the  sect  was killed in the uprising.

Thus, national security becomes the language in and through which terrorism is mediated as a threat which invariably make the state to create and implement national security policies. It is not only international or global terrorism that threatens Nigeria’s security, internal terrorism is equally perceived to threaten directly  the national security of Nigeria. In other words, the threat requires the Nigerian government to protect the  citizens but also to defend the constitution and  its  national interests, including its interests and allies abroad.

Seen as the  systematic  use  of  violence,  or  the  threat  of  violence,  against governments  or  individuals  to  attain  a  socio-political  objective, terrorism has been practised throughout history and throughout the world.  Terrorism  is  a  long-standing  political  and  religious  strategy  that  has  gained  renewed international  awareness  following  the  devastating  and  unprecedented  attacks  in  the United States (US) on the 11th September 2001 (9/11). Although the events of that day have come to represent a turning point in international concern with the issue, the 9/11 attacks were not isolated events. Nor did these events reflect an unexpected new threat; they  were  the  representative  reaffirmation  of  a  tendency  that  had  been  apparent for several  years.  Where  terror  had  previously  been  a  painful  accessory  to  anarchism, liberation wars, counter-insurgency campaigns and the battlefields of the Cold War; the events of that day took terrorism to a new, global level.

Historically, no terrorist group has ever emerged in a vacuum; there are dynamic  contexts—political,  social,  economic,  temporal,  spatial,  even religious—that must be taken into account. Thus, a considerable amount of emphasis is placed on identifying the array of environmental conditions and grievances among members of the local population that facilitated opportunities for internal terrorism in Nigeria to muster support and orchestrate acts of political violence. The government of Nigeria has struggled to deal effectively with these grievances and sources of tension throughout the country, and there is a pervasive belief particularly among northern Nigerians that the government continually fails to address critical needs of those who aspire for a better future. While resources are surely constrained, it is the inequitable distribution of those resources, and the widely acknowledged levels of corruption among elites, that detract from the government’s effectiveness. In turn, patronage and corruption fuels a general perception that government officials (to include law enforcement) cannot be

trusted, and this further undermines the government’s ability to influence the behavior of local community members in positive directions, away from the lure of radical extremist ideologies like that of Boko Haram.

1.2       Statement of the Problem               

Internal or domestic terrorism has a long history in Nigeria. Both the southern and northern parts of the country have experienced acts of terrorism.  Some of the groups that posed the greatest challenge to Nigeria’s security between 1999 and 2012 include Movement for Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND), Oodua People’s Congress (OPC), Bakassi Boys, Boko Haram, among others.  These groups adopted various strategies which included arson,  kidnapping,  extra-judicial  killings,  looting,  unlawful  detention, disappearances, and at worst, suicide bombing. While some of these groups receive considerable support from the local people, the fact is that their tactics sometimes constitute terrorism and pose a special challenge to Nigerian military.

Since  the  return  to  civil  rule  in  1999,  Nigeria  has  been  battling  with  series  of  violent agitations from various geo-political zones in the country. These violent agitations which have taken  terror  dimensions  have  contributed  to  national  security  threat  that  is  capable  of disintegrating  the  country.  Terrorists’  attacks  have  resulted  in  the  killings  of  hundreds  of people and wanton destruction of property that worth billions of naira through bombings.

The strategic implication of these terrorist acts on Nigeria’s national security is the major thrust of this thesis. While literature abound on the terms ‘terrorism’, ‘national security’, more research is needed to unravel the connection between terrorism and national security in Nigeria. Outright confrontation with police and military officers,  violent attacks on the populace,  pipeline  vandalisation,  bombing  of  oil  installation,  armed  resistance against the agents of the Nigerian state and the transnational oil companies operating in the region, kidnapping and hostage taking have serious strategic implication for Nigeria in the international community. Since the activities of these terrorist groups especially since 1999 have not only constituted a major security threat to  the nation, but has also make the country one of the most dangerous place to live in the world. The activities of this sect are capable of disintegrating the country. Thus, the need to find lasting solution to the grievance of these groups is very paramount

This thesis  hopes  to  shed  light  on  why  internal terrorism arose as well as its implication for Nigeria in the 21st century.  Further,  this  thesis  will  look  at  the  effects  of  their  coming  into  being  on democratic  consolidation.  It  is  hoped   that  this  thesis  will  contribute  to  the  future  work  on resolving  Nigerian  conflict  by  putting  forth  a  new  perspective  based  on  using  a  holistic perspective

1.2              Research Questions                                     

By explaining how   the militias as well as terrorist groups came  into being,  and by showing that they posed serious threat to national security, the central research questions are:

  1. How did ethnic militias and terrorist groups emerge?
  2. What is the nature of their operations?
  3. Have they had any significant impact on Nigerians?
  4. Have their patterns of attacks affected the Nigerian political economy?
  5. Have they become a major threat to the security forces?
  6. Have their activities led to internalization of terrorism in Nigeria?
  7. Could their dangerous activities undermine Nigeria’s national security?

1.4       Purpose of the Study                       

In  order  to  formulate  viable  long  term  solutions  to  combat  terrorism in  Nigeria,  it  is  necessary  to  investigate  the  root  causes  of  internal terrorism in the country.  Investigating  the  political,  economic,  social  and  environmental  causes  of

internal terrorism  will  be  the  primary  objective  of  this  study.  Also,  the correlation  between  internal terrorism and national security will be investigated.

Hence,  a  specific  objective  will  be  to  illuminate  and  explore  the  concept  of  internal terrorists and to look into how they influence the Nigerian society.

Also the study will investigate the physical manifestations of terrorist acts from 1999 to 2012. Establishing  the  modus  operandi  of  terrorist groups  will  enable  relevant  actors  to  establish  viable short term solutions to combat internal terrorism.

Lastly, the likelihood of terrorism spreading to other parts of Africa will be investigated.

1.5       Scope of the Study 

The study examines internal security and its strategic implication for national security in Nigeria. The research begins from 1999, a year which is significant in Nigerian history as it ushered in the Fourth Republic under the democratically elected government of President Olusegun Obasanjo. The research terminates in 2012 as much of the terrorist activities up to date featured between 2009 and 2012. To this, the research analyse  the  concept  of  internal  terrorism and national security. The  analysis  will  explore  why  internal  terrorism occurs in Nigeria, and the factors which facilitate this. Hence, the study will focus  on  aspects  such  as  the  historical  background  of  internal terrorism in Nigeria; the Nigerian security environment;  and  the counter-terrorist  policies  which  the Nigerian government pursued to maintain national security from 1999 to 2012.

1.6       Limitations of the Study

In producing such a work like this, the problem confronting the researcher is not the scarcity of materials but its availability some of which are bias in their presentation. Moreso, this research work is contemporary and politically sensitive.  The researcher therefore is confronted with the problem of interpretation of the actions of terrorist groups as well as counter-terrorist approach of the Nigerian government as some of the policies initiated are still an on-ongoing process.

            Finally, there is the question of time and fund which may serve as impediments to this research.  Nevertheless, these limitating factors will greatly be managed to make the research work more objective in its presentation.

1.7       Significance of the Study               

The problem of internal terrorism and its implication for national security in Nigeria is central to this research. It analyses the implication of internal terrorism for Nigeria in the international community. It is on this basis that this study is important for certain reasons.

First, the study is of paramount importance to decision makers and the citizens for it traces the historical development of internal terrorism in Nigeria, emphasizing how corruption, ethno-politics, resource control, bad governance, poverty, coups and counter coups, etc have all added to the rise of internal terrorism in Nigeria.

Second, the importance of Nigeria as a global source of energy inevitably has resulted in a significant international presence in the country; in particular the USA, China and Britain who depend on Nigeria for a large part of their oil imports have a significant political and economic presence. It is no coincidence that these countries in particular have been pivotal  to  the  counterterrorism  policies  of  Nigeria  and  in  training  their  military  for specific counterterrorism functions. Thus the international involvement of stakeholders in  internal terrorism in  Nigeria becomes critical to this study as it raised  more  questions  about  who  counter-terrorism policies  are  enacted  for,  for  what  purpose. In essence, the research will provoke further questions on internal terrorism in Nigeria.

Third, this research work will help in providing information on the internal factors that affects counter-terrorism in Nigeria, and what it holds for other countries undergoing the challenges of internal terrorism. With successful amnesties and dialogue having taken place in the Niger Delta with the Movement for the Emancipation  of  the  Niger  Delta  (MEND) and the recent ceasefire announcement of the Boko Haram terrorist group, it means that internal terrorism could be won by the government through peaceful dialogue.

Fourth, it is useful to scholars’ especially diplomatic historians, political scientists, economists and international relations experts who are conducting research in related fields.

Finally, the political and military class will learn, through this study, the need for them to be patriotic.

1.8       Research Methodology

Historical research method was used in carrying out this study. A critical examination of the dramatic evolution of ethnic militant groups to the rise of a more violent Boko Haram, was analyzed using findings from both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources include written documents such as government publications, letters, correspondence, documentaries and newspapers. Moreover, this study depended on secondary sources such as books, journals, conference proceedings and internet sources which are to be explored to enrich this work.

Furthermore, this research work depended largely on archival materials to gather relevant materials on the study. Field trips will also be employed to access information from the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs and other centres in order to get relevant information regarding the research work.

This was complemented using other research instruments. The research instruments used were questionnaires and purposive sampling. The data gathered through the questionnaire were analysed using the frequency of responses and percentages while the outcome from data were presented in form of tables. Each table was analysed using descriptive analytical method. Interpretations and useful inferences were drawn from the analysis which formed the basis of conclusion and recommendations.

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