Chapter One: Introduction

Boko Haram operates as the world most deadly terrorist group, killing over 30,000 civilians and displaced 2,152,000 people in Nigeria, Chad and neighbouring Cameroon (IDMC, 2015). In its bid to counter the group’s insurgency, the Nigerian government launched series of counterinsurgency operations between 2010 and 2015, with varying degree of human rights abuses on both sides (Vanguard, 2016). For instance, since the insurgency escalated in 2009, the Nigerian military arrested over 20,000 suspected terrorists and arbitrarily tortured 8000 people to death (Amnesty Inernational, 2015). Similarly, Boko Haram has killed civilians and security personnel in cruel and horrofic ways (Samer, 2015).

Nigeria is politically divided into six geo-political zones. The northeast geo-political zone belongs to the Muslim north. This economically backward zone comprises of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe states. The zone is home to Boko Haram terrorist group officially called Jamāʻat Ahl as-Sunnah lid-daʻwa wal-Jihād meaning, “People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad” (Ekereke 2013, p.5). Founded in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf, Boko Haram (which imply “western education is a sin”) first clashed with the Nigerian police in a 5-day battle in July, 2009 (Andrew 2012, p.1). This led to the death of the founder and emergence of Abubakar Shekau, as the leader of the group. Under Shekau’s leadership, Boko Haram has attacked churches, mosques, markets, schools, banks, barracks, homes and motor parks killing over 4000 thousand people and displacing close to half a million in the northeast (Crisis Group 2014, p. 2). This has had serious political and economic implications for the poverty-stricken northeast zone.

Terrorist activities have strategic implications for national economic development. It is believed that terrorist operations can disintegrate the country as well as halt economic growth (ICG 2010, p.4). Continuous terrorist attacks are capable of undermining scientific and technological security of Nigeria. Many analysts have described President  Goodluck  Jonathan’s economic reform as an effort that may yield no results due to the insecurity in the northeast (UNCTAD 2014; Utomi 2014; and Ajao, 2014). In other words, the problems with the nation’s economy are directly linked to insecurity in the northeast. For instance, President Gooduck Jonathan went to Australia for a summit with about 500 delegates and could not attract foreign investors due to insecurity in the northeastern part of the country. He also went to France with about 300 delegates and could not woo foreign investors to the country. This line of argument is supported by Pat Utomi who opined that the issue of investment is also about the issue of security. No investor will come to invest in Nigeria with the current security challenge (Pat Utomi 2014, web).

In certain parts of Nigeria, there is currently an immense humanitarian crisis caused by several factors that have forced victims to flee, thereby turning them into refugees, while others have succumbed to the conditions and are considered internally displaced persons, making the economy of the region to become underdeveloped. Writing about Boko Haram is a difficult task, as researchers have very limited access to first-hand information. Indeed, foreign and national researchers find it almost impossible to conduct fieldwork in north-eastern Nigeria, where their security cannot be guaranteed. Recently, as the core of the conflict has seemed to be moving away from Maiduguri, capital of Borno, to the confines of Nigeria, the shores of Lake Chad and along the Cameroonian border, available information on the conflict has become even scarcer. Such difficulties contrast with the pressing demand of the Nigerian public and the international community alike for intelligible analyses of the situation, particularly from an economic development perspective.

Statement of the Problem

While efforts have been made by scholars to investigate the problems of Boko Haram in Nigeria, none has done so within the purview of the economic development of the northeast states. It is, therefore, the intent of this study to examine the impact of Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria with special reference to the northeast geopolitical zone. Hence,  a specific goal will be to illuminate and explore the Boko Haram terrorist group and to look into how they exert their influence on the economic development of northeastern states of  Nigeria. 

Research Objectives

The general aim of this study is to examine the effect of Boko Haram Insurgency on Socio-Economic Development in Adamawa State, Nigeria. Hence,  the specific objectives are to: 

  1. Examine the effect of Boko Haram attacks on internally generated revenue of Adamawa State
  2. Examine the effect of Boko Haram attacks foreign direct investment in Adamawa State
  3. Assess the social effects of Boko Haram terrorism on the cultural growth of the people of Adamawa
  4. Examine the effect of Boko Haram Insurgency on local industries and agriculture in Adamawa State, Nigeria

 Research Questions                                     

Investigate the physical manifestations of terrorist acts In Nigeria;

  1. What is the effect of Boko Haram attacks on internally generated revenue of Adamawa State?
  2. What is the effect of Boko Haram attacks foreign direct investment in Adamawa State?
  3. What are the social effects of Boko Haram terrorism on the cultural growth of the people of Adamawa?
  4. What is the effect of Boko Haram Insurgency on local industries and agriculture in Adamawa State, Nigeria?

Scope of the Study 

This study covers the effect of Boko Haram Insurgency on Socio-Economic Development in Adamawa State, Nigeria. The study, therefore, discusses the concept of terrorism, economy and politics. The analysis explores why internal terrorism occurs in northeastern states of Nigeria, and the factors which facilitate this. The target population are those directly affected by the insurgency. The period covered is from 2009 to 2017.

Chapter Two   Literature Review

This chapter reviews literature on the Boko Haram Insurgency. The literature is presented under sub-headings derived from the study’s research questions. Gaps to be filled by the present study are highlighted. The theoretical framework will explain the tactics of Boko Haram which involve political assassinations, intimidation, assassinations of Muslim clerics, drive by shootings, kidnappings, suicide bombing, guerrilla warfare, bank robberies, attacks on churches, attacks on Muslims, attacks on universities, attacks on newspapers headquarters, and finally on international targets, most notably the UN.

Chapter Three: Research Methodology

This chapter deals with the methodology and the research instrument to be used in getting data for the study. This study uses a descriptive survey type. The target population consists of all IDPs who evolved as a result of Boko Haram in Adamawa State. A questionnaire will be used as an instrument for data collection. The relevant statistical tool in the SPSS will be used for data analysis.

. The sample size of this project consists of one hundred and sixty (150) respondents randomly selected camps in the table below:

    The sampling procedure adopted in this study was simple random sampling technique. This method means that individuals in the population have an equal opportunity to be selected for the sample.

Chapter Four: Data Analysis

In this chapter, the researcher will analyse the data collected for the research work and interpret it according to the research questions and one  hypothesis formulated in chapter one.  In analyzing the data collected from the respondents, simple percentage method of data analysis will be adopted for demographic data. To test the only hypothesis in the study, Chi Square statistical tool will be adopted. Chi-square (also referred to as χ²) analysis will be used to analyze the data collected.

Chapter Five: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations

Summary and conclusions are to be drawn from the research literature, research findings and data analysis. Recommendations will be made in the final chapter.



An Assessment of the Relationship between the African Union, United Nations and the International Criminal Court in Peacemaking in Sudan


Chapter One: Introduction

The African Union (AU) together with the United Nations and the International Criminal Court (ICC) have pledged to create a continent of peace and solidarity. However, dozens of socio-ethnic conflicts occur across the continent despite the AU’s best efforts to prevent them. In this thesis, case study of Sudan is used to assess the efficacy of the AU in collaboration with the UN and ICC in the realm of peacemaking.

There are many reasons Sudan is a compelling country to study. Sudan, until recently, was Africa’s and the Arab world’s largest country. It is also the cradle of the worlds’ longest river, the Nile, and the Sudanese government exerts authority over the river’s tributaries, the Blue and White Niles. Additionally, the country is endowed with astonishing resources ranging from fertile land to minerals and oil. Sudan’s oil reserves were estimated to be among the richest in the continent and its potential agricultural products are considered enough to eradicate hunger in all of Africa.

However, wars and conflict faced Sudan on every front, not only internationally but also nationally. Internally, Sudan has been ravaged by two civil wars. The first is the North-South civil war, also known as Africa’s longest civil war, and the second is the conflict in Darfur. Khartoum’s involvement in the Darfur conflict resulted in an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC)for the president of Sudan, Omar Al-Bashir, for crimes against humanity. Omar Al-Bashir’s authoritarian prolonged rule is said to eclipse the hopes for a democratic Sudan. Yet, the country underwent four democratic governments in the past five decades and therefore the spirit of revival persists. Sudan also experienced a few federal arrangements that are worth examining. Additionally, Sudan is one of the first few states to experience secession by a referendum in the world. In January 2010, South Sudan exercised its right to self-determination and in June 2011, declared itself as Africa’s youngest nation.

At present, the efforts of the African Union, United Nations and the International Criminal Court in peacekeeping in Sudan, are yet to receive the attention of scholars. Meanwhile, the case study illuminate the financial, political, and socio-cultural trials the AU, UN and ICC faces when engaging in peacemaking.

Chapter Two: Civil Wars in Sudan

This chapter examines the major civil wars in Sudan and the involvement of third party peacekeeping missions in the country.

Chapter Three: Relations between AU, UN and ICC in Peacekeeping in Sudan

A number of parameter need to be established for the study. First, the period covered is from 2002 to 2010. Second, the African Union (AU) and founding of the ICC for resolutions in Sudan is critically examined based on their peace and solidarity efforts. Third, the civil wars are to be examined primarily from the perspective of African Union’s peacekeeping initiatives despite the involvement of other international organisations such as the United Nations as well as regional third party interventions.

Chapter Four: Content Analysis

The Sudan conflicts were chosen for analysis due to their high level of AU involvement and therefore offer sufficient evidence of AU peacemaking and peacekeeping capabilities. Hence, the study will offer sufficient data for greater understanding of the relationship between AU and ICC in peacekeeping due to the AU’s deep involvement in each of these conflicts. Moreover, the comparison of the two cases will offer a more balanced understanding of the AU’s capacity for peacemaking and peacekeeping efforts in Africa.

Chapter Five: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations

Summary and conclusions are to be drawn from the research literature, research findings and content analysis.





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