Chapter One: Introduction
Boko Haram operates as the world most deadly terrorist group, killing over 30,000 civilians and displaced 2,152,000 people in Nigeria, Chad and neighbouring Cameroon (IDMC, 2015). The group was born out of Nigeria’s failed integration process. The year 2014 marks one hundred years of the British amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates to form one political entity which is officially known and addressed as Nigeria. Nigeria and Nigerians have been caught in the frenzy of centenary celebration. This celebration may be easily confused with the political independence anniversary (October 1st, 1960) the centenary celebration has to do with the birth of a political entity following the amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates on January 1, 1914 under the watchful eyes of colonial Britain (Chidume, Chukwu, Ukaegbu, & Agudiegwu, 2014).
Two personalities were important in Nigeria’s integration process– Lord Frederick Lugard the then Governor General, who can be described as the surgeon who performed the merger, and Flora Shaw (later wife of Lugard), former correspondent of the London Times, who became the taxonomist that suggested the name- Nigeria. It is the centenary anniversary celebration, therefore, of the birth of a country variously described as an ‘ethnic mosaic’, ‘geographical expression’, ‘artificial creation’, among others. As a reminder, Nigeria antedated this birthday as the various nationalities therein existed independently but not in isolation of one another in the pre-colonial era.
The amalgamation of the two protectorates had its origin in the Berlin West African Conference from November 1884 to February 1885 (Grace, 2013). The process of acquisition, creation/administration started from trade, to the bombardment and annexation of Lagos in 1851 and 1861 respectively, the Berlin Conference which set the acquisition guidelines, the creation of the Northern Protectorate in 1900, the merger of the colony of Lagos and the Southern Protectorate in 1906, and in 1914 the amalgamation to a single (but inherently disparate groups) administrative unit- Nigeria. Nigeria thus fell to Britain more as a result of the “diplomacy of imperialism than a matter of choice for any of the peoples that were to be enclosed within this grid that came to be organized and administered as one territorial unit called Nigeria” (Eleagu: 1988:9). A process completed by Britain in 1914, imposed on and accepted by Nigerians.
Ever since this merger, the polity has been characterized by ethno-religious politics which has being the bane to national unity. In the Nigerian case study, the reconfiguration, formation of political parties, distribution of human and material resources and even crises (coups, civil war, and religious impasse) are hinged on ethno-religious politics. Thus providing Nigeria with a cheqeured history – with political transitions from civilian to military, military to military, military to civilian and civilian to civilian; through a democratic, authoritarian, a combination of both or an innovation of a process too unique to be described only in action by its proponents – the political elites. While the world celebrates the centenary anniversary (1914-2014) of Africa’s most populous country, this country’s political history is yet to e fully explored within the spheres of national integration.
National integration in this sense, was defined by these political scholars as “the unification or bringing together of diversified components either at international, regional, sub-regional, national or state/local community level.” (Philip and Henry, 1964). In Nigeria, the various integrative mechanisms put up by different administrations includes the amalgamation of 1914, the Nigerianisation policy of 1960-1966, the National Youth Service Corps, the Unity Schools, the National Language policy, the principle of Federal Character and the creation of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. All of these were meant to promote national unity in Nigeria. Unfortunately, they have further divided the country along the lines of ethnicity and religion.
The failures of these integrative mechanisms translate to the failure of national integration in Nigeria. For instance, as Nigeria approached independence, there was general consensus that the nation should come to independence as a single nation. Independent Nigeria was born on 1st October 1960. But the independent foundation was parlous characterized with ethnic divisiveness and incohesion convulsed and precipitated impasse and imbroglio. Nigeria’s independence at the federal and state level experienced a very short honeymoon (Hariman, 2006). Within the period of six years, the western coalition crisis, the census controversy, ethnicity, and the 1964/65 General Election violence orchestrated the military intervention in 1960, which terminated the First Republic. Nigeria emerging from excruciating colonialism and imperialism fell under the deluge and sledge hammer of military rule between 1966-1999 with intermittent civilian rules. Within this period in the political annals of Nigeria, political structures and institutions have been atrophied and debilitated leading to too many problems rocking the polity (Mangvwat, 2008). The cumulative and net effects of these problems continue to reecho and dis-equlibrate the polity.
Between 2009 and 2015, Nigeria witnessed the height of Boko Haram terrorism. The President Goodluck Jonathan administration did not faired and weathered these political problems and challenges. Some of these teething and nagging problems include: sectarian political behavior, security challenges, micro nationalism, federalism and functional constitution and political democracy. The study shall proceed to examine the rise of Boko Haram, within the framework of failed national integration process.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Boko Haram attacks, the military’s persecution of suspects and its strategy of emptying contested areas have forced over a million women and girls to flee homes. Scholarly attention is yet to be given to how Boko Haram insurgency within framework of national integration. This has created a gap in knowledge about the impact of insurgency on national integration processes. To tackle this problem, this study examines the failures of various integrative mechanisms and how Boko Haram exploited the precarious situation to launch attack on the Nigerian government and its people.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The general aim of this study is to examine the Impact of Boko Haram Terrorism on National Integration in Nigeria from 2009 to 2018. Specifically, the study seeks to achieve the following objectives:
- Provide a historical background to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria;
- Examine the concept of national integration;
- Analyse the challenges of national integration in Nigerian history;
- Identify and discuss the problems with integrative mechanism in Nigeria .
1.4 Research Questions
- What is the historical background to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria?
- What does national integration mean?
- What are integrative mechanisms in Nigeria?
- What are the challenges of national integration in Nigerian history?
1.5 Scope of the Study
This study covers Boko Haram terrorism and national integration in Nigeria. It is not about the history of Nigeria since 1914 but rather, about the problems of nation building and national integration. The research is delimited to the following integrative mechanisms: amalgamation of 1914; the Nigerianisation policy of 1960-1966, the National Youth Service Corps, the Unity Schools, the national language policy, and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Inferences are made to the various administrations in Nigeria to explain the problem inherent in these identified mechanism and how they impacted on the rise of Boko Haram terrorist group.
Chapter Two Literature Review
This chapter reviews literature on national integration and Boko Haram Insurgency. The literature is presented under sub-headings derived from the study’s research questions. Gaps to be filled by the present study are highlighted.
Chapter Three: Research Methodology
This chapter deals with the methodology and the research instrument to be used in getting data for the study. This study uses descriptive survey type. The target population consist of 2,241,484 individuals (334,608 households) that were displaced as a result of Boko Haram insurgency in Adamawa, Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, Yobe, Nasarawa, Plateau, Kaduna, Kano, Zamfara, states and Abuja. Questionnaire will be used as instrument for data collection. Relevant statistical tool in the SPSS will be used for data analysis. The sampling procedure adopted in this study was simple random sampling technique. This method means that individuals in the population have an equal opportunity to be selected for the sample.
Chapter Four: Data Analysis
In this chapter, the researcher will analyse the data collected for the research work and interpret it according to the research questions in chapter one. In analyzing the data collected from the respondents, simple percentage method of data analysis will be adopted for demographic data. To test the only hypothesis in the study, Chi Square statistical tool will be adopted. Chi-square (also referred to as χ²) analysis will be used to analyze the data collected.
X2 =∑ (oi-ei)2
where oi = observed frequency
ei= expected frequency
∑=sum of frequency
x2= critical value from the chi-square table percent
Chapter Five: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations
Summary and conclusions are to be drawn from the research literature, research findings and data analysis. Recommendations will be made in the final chapter.